Linearization at PF: Evidence from Malagasy Extraposition

We argue that the obligatory extraposition of CPs in Malagasy occurs between Spell Out and PF, and thus is an instance of PF movement. This correctly predicts that CP extraposition in Malagasy has no semantic or syntactic consequences, and is phonologically driven. In particular, we argue that CP extraposition is motivated by a violation of Layeredness, a constraint against embedding larger prosodic constituents inside smaller ones. Support is given by cases in which CP extraposition is not required because a Layeredness violation is obviated by other prosodic repair mechanisms.